Chapter 12: YouTube Videos as Agents of Social Inclusion and Therapy Among Gender-based Violence Survivors Open Access

Research has well established that YouTube is associated with certain benefits for survivors of GBV. On the one hand, YouTube affords some intimacy to vulnerable users through digital storytelling and sharing of experiences among audiences (Jenkins et al., 2009). When the marginalised share their painful experiences, it helps them to reclaim and restore their identities, thereby preventing further suffering (Shishko, 2022). Miller and Demirbilek (2023) have argued that YouTube provides opportunities for awareness raising, advocacy, and support through sharing information, personal stories, and resources related to GBV. On the other hand, commenters demonstrate how YouTube videos can contribute to GBV-related cases in deleterious ways. Compared to male YouTubers, female YouTubers receive more negative video comments, including sexism, racism, and sexually aggressive hate speech (Döring & Mohseni, 2020). Since women are most objectified, attacked, and harassed on social media platforms, there is a need for effective policy in digital spaces (Capella-Castro, 2021).

GBV has been defined as a social justice issue, a global concern, and a gross violation of victims’ fundamental human rights, including the right to life, safety, liberty and security, and the right to equal protection under the law as well as the right to sound physical and mental health (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), n.d.; World Vision, 2022). GBV results in such psychological and emotional disturbances as isolation, depression, suicide attempts, and, in severe instances, death (UNHCR, n.d.; World Vision, 2022). The United Nations’ (UN) Sustainable Development Goals underscore the issues related to GBV in Goal 5 (Gender Equality), which foregrounds the elimination of all forms of violence against girls and women.

GBV is a sensitive issue such that, in some contexts, survivors are reluctant to discuss or report. This reluctance remains despite several attempts and initiatives to provide relief and social justice, including medical treatment, provision of safe spaces, legal aid, psychosocial support, physical security, mentorship programmes, community-based peer support, and livelihood support (UNHCR, n.d.; World Vision, 2022). These social services are often delivered by rescue centres, hotlines, hospital support, and other organisations. The media has also offered support. The Nation Media Group (NMG), the leading media house in East and Central Africa (Nation Media Group, n.d.), for example, established a gender desk in its editorial section in 2019. Thereafter, NMG started observing 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence, an annual global campaign initiated by the inaugural Women’s Global Leadership Institute in 1991 that raises awareness about violence against women and girls as a human rights issue (Kassova & Addy, 2022).

While YouTube videos provide important information on issues of social justice in relation to GBV, there is a dearth of literature on their potential to address these issues in the Kenyan context that this chapter endeavours to address. This study draws on qualitative research approaches to explore the lived experiences and perceptions of YouTube viewers on GBV and how YouTube videos can serve as sources of knowledge and therapy for the survivors and promote social inclusion. The study’s specific objectives are threefold:

• to identify which specific videos are frequently watched by GBV survivors and why;

• to gather data about the lived experiences of the study participants, namely journalists (who work in mainstream media or as freelancers), while watching or hosting these videos; and

• to establish YouTube’s potential as a source of information and spaces for therapy and social inclusion for survivors.

The few extant studies on YouTube’s role in the promotion of social justice in Kenya have generally focussed on addressing GBV in broader terms. Vahedi et al. (2024), for example, investigated how GBV service providers navigated the process of digitalising GBV prevention and response during the COVID-19 crisis. Ndaka (2023) portrays YouTube as a networked community that links decentralised and fragmented voices in Kenya, but the study does not focus on GBV. Baker (2018) details how young women globally, including Kenya, are ‘taking back’ technology to demand their rights and challenge violence. Although these empirical studies are not directly focussed on the relationships between GBV and YouTube, they well-demonstrate the need for more research on social inclusion in digital environments. Indeed, most of the reviewed literature does include a discussion of the advantages or disadvantages of YouTube as a platform.

The case of Cecily Bolden, who was murdered by her boyfriend for not disclosing her HIV status prior to having sex (Anderson, 2014), provides a poignant example of YouTube discussions on GBV matters. It was particularly disturbing in this case that the comments overwhelmingly blamed Cecily and called to set the perpetrator free (Anderson, 2014). But there is also strong evidence that YouTube hosts information on GBV that may be useful for survivors and offer social inclusion and therapy. For instance, World Vision (2022) has a 10-minute video on a GBV initiative they implemented in Nairobi and Narok counties. A Citizen TV ‘Monday Report’ edition provided a platform for critical conversations on GBV on 15 May 2023 that is uploaded to their YouTube channel. YouthActionNet (2015) posted a six-minute advocacy video on how to avoid GBV.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, n.d.) documents how people are exposed to insecurity and vulnerable to threats against their lives and to sexual abuse, rape, forced prostitution, and trafficking when they are forced to flee their homes. The Gender Violence Recovery Centre (2022), a charitable trust of the Nairobi Women’s Hospital, reports that one in three Kenyan women has experienced an episode of sexual violence before the age of 18, one of the highest rates of GBV in the world, and that 5% of boys and 3% of Kenyan men are GBV survivors. One in four women in Kenya has experienced violence from an intimate partner (Kenya News Agency, 2023). Femicide (killings may be unintentional) is also on the rise in Kenya, where more than 500 women have been reported killed since 2016 (Africa Data Hub, 2024). Social justice initiatives and programmes are concerned with what hinders fairness and equality for people (Lowery, 2023).

The UNHCR (n.d.) defines gender inequality as, first and foremost, the denial of the equal enjoyment of rights, responsibilities, and opportunities for all people. This definition is linked to the understanding of social inclusion as the process of improving the ability, opportunity, and dignity of those disadvantaged by their identity (World Bank, n.d.). Gender is one such identity that confronts barriers that prevent full participation in political, economic, and social life (World Bank, n.d.). This chapter argues that institutions should institute such GBV-related measures, programmes, and services as legal redress and therapy to facilitate social justice in relation to GBV in Kenya.

Psychotherapy and Counselling Federation of Australia (PACFA, n.d.) defines therapy as a process where a trained professional (counsellor or psychotherapist) meets with a client to help resolve problematic beliefs, behaviours, feelings, and related physical symptoms. The treatment involves interpersonal relationships to help clients develop self-understanding so that they can make changes in their lives. Vahedi et al. (2024) suggest that prevention and response activities and services can be digitised to the advantage of GBV survivors. This chapter investigates whether this digitisation can be applied to YouTube videos as a source of therapy.

This chapter’s analytical framework is informed by two theories, namely networked publics and media ecology. The theory of networked publics emphasises that digital technologies enable the formation of networked communities that exist and interact primarily in online spaces by sharing experiences, opinions, and views (boyd, 2008). Boyd contends that social media platforms amplify voices, build communities, and create awareness and activism. Papacharissi (2014) explores what mediated feelings of connectedness do for politics and networked publics in the digital age and concludes that even though technologies network us, it is our stories that connect us.

Media ecology theory suggests that the form of media and communication channels influence the way people perceive reality and interact with their surroundings (McLuhan, 1964). Postman (1970) offered the founding definition of media ecology where he metaphorically saw media as environments and environments as media and was explicitly concerned about their forms, effects, and evolution. Milberry (2012) indicates that the symbol systems and technologies people use to think, communicate, and represent their experiences play an integral role in how we create and understand reality. As conceptualised in this study, these two theoretical perspectives support the understanding that online spaces both mirror and reshape societal dynamics and that they can be leveraged to address GBV effectively. In other words, while YouTube provides opportunities for awareness, activism, and support, it can also reinforce negative behaviours and stereotypes.

This study draws on the social constructivism paradigm, where the goal of research mainly relies on the participants’ views of the situation to better understand the world in which they live and work (Creswell, 2007). The qualitative research methodological approach employed six in-depth interviews with key informants (KIs) and a focus group discussion (FGD) comprised of eight members from whom data were gathered. In-depth interviews with participants helped to elicit rich descriptions of their experiences, emotions, interpretations, and reflections on GBV and YouTube. The FGD participants responded to the same questions, all of which sought to explore issues of social justice and social inclusion. The data collection process followed Creswell’s (2007) recommendation that the researcher should gather data in a natural setting while being sensitive to the people and places under study. Consent was obtained from each participant for both in-depth interviews and FGDs prior to field research, and all the FGD participants reported that they had healed and are now public advocates against GBV. I took detailed field notes during interviews and FGDs and documented non-verbal cues and reactions.

The study participants were identified through purposive and snowball sampling. Inclusion criteria were: a GBV victim who watches YouTube videos or a journalist (including YouTubers) who may or may not be a GBV survivor but who reports on GBV on YouTube. Invitations to participate were sent through the Association of Media Women in Kenya, Media Sisters Kenya, and Women in Media WhatsApp groups. Five interview informants were GBV survivors, and one was a non-survivor. All watched YouTube videos. The sample included two journalists (one survivor, one non-survivor), who also provided perspectives as professionals. In-depth interviews used together with FGDs helped to triangulate the results.

Consistent with the standards of qualitative research, data were simultaneously collected and analysed. Narrative analysis was used to interrogate the responses created by the informants into an understanding of their experiences with GBV and YouTube videos. I thoroughly checked the transcribed data to ensure it was free from error and for qualitative reliability (consistency).

This study aimed to identify the specific videos frequently watched by GBV survivors and why, to understand the lived experiences of the study participants, and to establish YouTube’s potential as a source of information and spaces for the social inclusion of survivors of GBV. The discussion of findings is organised according to these objectives. Quotations drawn from the interviewees are cited as KI-1 through KI-6, and the FGD participants as FGDP-1 through FGDP-8.

All the informants interviewed were frequent users of YouTube and logged in daily. The six informants identified the following nine channels as their most frequently watched on YouTube: Abel Mutua, Engage Talk, Muthoni’s Mission, Lynn Ngugi, Usikimye Kenya, Shared Moments with Justus, Comedian YY, Tuko/Tuco-Kenya, and Legally Clueless. They also reported watching other, less prominent channels on such topics as African stories, news, health and mental wellness, historical moments, sermons, meditation, religion, music, investigation, and family matters, as well as documentaries like Africa Titanic and the Defenders’ Coalition channel.

The reasons that participants provided for their engagement with YouTube videos included information and self-education, meditation and therapy, training, mental wellness, getting news, and entertainment: ‘YouTube has a lot to offer and is a good way to pass time, do research to gain knowledge, engage in critical thinking and relax’ (KI-5). They explained that these genres help them to connect and have a sense of belonging with their ability to contribute to discussions in the comments section. Indeed, some informants had, over the years, increasingly formed online networks with the people whom they had met online in the comments section of their watched YouTube channels.

FGDP-7 brought up a 21 September 2023 episode ‘I stayed in an abusive marriage for years, could not find the strength to walk out but I finally did’ from Lynn Ngugi Network’s (LNN) LNS Rebuilding Series that she had watched several times while noting down nuggets that assisted her in healing and rebuilding her life. Several FGD participants flagged how the comments section of this video showed how issues of therapy and social inclusion played out on YouTube and read out some specific comments from LNN to demonstrate:

The informants also singled out Usikimye Kenya, a channel specifically dedicated to GBV, whereas LNN is more broadly focussed on 'stories that have the ability to impact the communities around us' (Lynn Ngugi, n.d.). Unfortunately, Usikimye Kenya's presence on YouTube is not as pronounced as LNN. For instance, the channel's segment on survivor stories only has 21 videos on its playlist (Usikimye Kenya, n.d.) despite being in existence since 2019 (Kagonye, 2021).

KI-6 shared her subjective experiences and interpretations concerning YouTube and GBV. She reported not having yet come across a YouTube video specifically committed to helping GBV survivors. Unable to take in the abuse, she turned to YouTube for solace and humour. Initially, she searched for videos that directly spoke about GBV and how to handle it, but she found very little. Instead, she found solace in such channels as The Flight Channel, which produces content about historical flight accidents: 'Do you know I became so engrossed in the Flight Channel that I started to forget about the abuse?' Another KI revealed that she too found YouTube a useful distraction from GBV trauma: 'I was withdrawn and traumatized. I started going for therapy at a local clinic, but soon abandoned it when I found Legally Clueless on YouTube. It became my therapy' (K1-1). This informant reported being more affected by people's reactions to GBV than the act of GBV that she experienced itself:

KI-2 shared that she was sexually abused by her uncle at the age of 11 and carried that trauma for a long time. She had attended therapy to no avail until she watched a video called 'A Dangerous Silence: Domestic Violence Documentary'. I found it depressing but watched it to the end and realised there was too much evil in the world, especially against women, and there was nothing much I could do about my life than to pick myself up. (KI-2)

KI-3 is a survivor of sexual violence who is now working with GBV survivors living in safe homes. She narrated her ordeal as a teenager and her experience with domestic violence as a young adult:

This same informant reported that the few survivors at the rescue centre watch YouTube videos, mostly comedy, and that they watch for comic relief because some of them are too young; Churchill Television's Churchill Show episodes are favourites among the girls.

KI-5, a journalist, had not experienced GBV, but had been reporting on these issues for such a long time that she described feeling like she had experienced it. She observed that reporting GBV was a daunting task because of empathy. She further opined that while more women than men reported GBV, men too suffer violence and stigma owing to societal stereotypes:

This informant also showed how YouTube had become an indispensable tool for informed, well-researched coverage of GBV stories:

As a defender of human rights, KI-4's experience with GBV was primarily professional, but she had experienced a non-physical type of violence. She explained that she had been targeted on Facebook, where explicit mudslinging, vile talk, and vitriol was used against her. She further explained:

The data from the FGD are similar to that provided by the KI interviews, but the informants from the FGD emphasised that they drew heavy inspiration from LNN even though the channel did not exclusively deal with GBV:

Another FGD participant reported a similar relationship to GBV-related content:

These testimonials of the informants' lived experiences with GBV and how other experiences shared on YouTube helped them to cope with their own situations demonstrate how social media platforms can be good therapeutic tools for GBV victims.

The data from both in-depth interviews and FGDs indicate that YouTube videos offer a platform where survivors can receive information, therapy, and social inclusion. The informants, however, saw this as a negligible contribution and suggested that more could be done to enrich this space for GBV survivors. Informant KI-5, for example, had yet to watch a channel on YouTube that is solely devoted to GBV or that especially offered comfort to survivors: 'I haven't specifically come across one that gives comfort, feedback or information on what actions survivors could take. But LNN occasionally attempts to offer linkages and personal comfort'.

The FGD informants described how YouTube fills the space once occupied by traditional social support systems. Survivors find safety in social media spaces, where they can open up, listen to others, and share their experiences. Some also obtain material and financial help, as is evident on LNN, Tuko/Tuco-Kenya, and Usikimye Kenya. Participants in both interviews and the focus groups also flagged the importance of digital media in raising awareness about GBV and exposing the prevalence of GBV and its consequences:

The informants observed further that YouTube videos offer anonymity, which they view as a good starting point on issues of equality because they foster safe spaces without people judging the victim on a personal level. The continual nature of content on YouTube channels like LNN was reported as a factor in its transformative potential to support and empower GBV survivors: 'If I put what happened to me, that content is ageless. I mean, a survivor can access it 10 years from now and find hope' (KI-2).

Ten of fourteen informants expressed that YouTube does offer them solace, comfort, and therapy. KI-3, for example, estimated that she receives 80% of her solace and therapy from social media spaces, as compared to socialisation with friends and family, even though there were times when certain shows brought back memories she would rather forget. A focus group participant corroborated this opinion that YouTube was not a safe place for GBV survivors since it only amplifies the negative situation and promotes exclusivity. She added that there is no social inclusivity when the target of ridicule and emotional stress is the woman and criticised LNN for this very behaviour as seen in her perspective below:

When asked whether she had experienced content that traumatised her on YouTube, KI-1 explained that although she had not, she was aware there was 'not-so-good' content on social media. KI-3 had not witnessed negativity against her on YouTube, but she had encountered it on another social media platform: 'I would be referred to as “Jezebel,” “Deceitful Eve,” “the other gender,” etc. on Facebook. But I have learned to block people and move on with life' (KI-3).

For KI-5 and a few other FGD members, sharing stories online can cause harm: 'I feel that these sites could be detrimental by exposing survivors to more harm if the perpetrators are still within reach and if there are no protective measures' (KI-5). KI-5 also worried about the impact of unintended media exposure on the children of affected families, even when their identities had been hidden. She added that even without facial recognition, people had a way of identifying them. Further, the comments section could traumatise survivors who are sometimes bullied and blamed for the violence.

FGDP-2 felt that language could be a barrier to YouTube's potential to help GBV survivors. She explained how she had once logged onto YouTube to follow a certain channel and discovered that it was in Kikuyu and without translation. This spoke directly to how YouTube channels can be agents of social exclusion. Another informant felt that YouTube could make its platform more survivor-centred by introducing policies that discourage shaming, trolling, or traumatising the survivors and was not doing enough to prevent undesirable behaviour against GBV survivors (KI-4). KI-5 supported policy formulation to limit the production of shows covering sensitive subjects on YouTube to those trained to handle issues around therapy and social inclusion. While YouTube does have policy in these regards (YouTube, n.d.), it could be extended to GBV:

All the informants agreed that YouTube can promote therapy and inclusivity among GBV survivors, and that since there are agencies and organisations with the capacity and skills to offer therapy, socio-psychological support, and legal advice, YouTube should devise ways to better publicise such organisations and their services to netizens.

The informants of this research have provided rich data to validate YouTube as an agent for therapy and social justice for, among others, survivors of GBV. All 14 informants reported that they heavily consume YouTube for news and information, education and entertainment, meditation and critical thinking, therapy and mental wellness, research and training, and connection and belonging. These findings are consistent with media ecology theory (Milberry, 2012), in that they demonstrate how YouTube videos influence how people perceive reality and interact with their surroundings. That some informants deliberately log in to leave a comment, have their voices projected, and form networks illustrates Boyd's (2008) theory of networked publics in that this pattern of behaviour is an example of people glued together digitally by GBV as a common issue. The theory of networked publics also well accounts for concerns raised by informants about the safety of those who share their stories online and Anderson's (2014) warning about the potential harm in victims sharing their stories in virtual spaces.

The reviewed literature is consistent with the reasons informants gave for logging onto YouTube, including digital storytelling (Shishko, 2022); participatory culture (Jenkins et al., 2009); information, awareness, and educational content (Miller & Demirbilek, 2023); sharing experiences and seeking support and validation (Shishko, 2022); connecting with others and coping with trauma (Miller & Demirbilek, 2023); granting the marginalised a voice as well as healing and therapy (Shishko, 2022). LNN was the most frequently accessed and popular YouTube channel among study participants because survivors find it relevant and important. In addition to its three series, namely the Lynn Ngugi Show, LNS Rebuilding, and Global Inspire, the channel's host, Lynn Ngugi, who handles a variety of themes, often covers content revolving around GBV.

None of the informants could recall watching an LNN show that covered or referenced a man who was a victim of GBV, but men are also vulnerable to GBV. Their voices have been silenced by cultural expectations such that they suffer social exclusion. In other words, the media ecology may not favour men speaking out against GBV (Papacharissi, 2014). Similarly, some women GBV survivors experience negativity and feel left out of the social justice equation. What they have experienced is similar to what happened in the Cecily Bolden case (Anderson, 2014). Anderson posits that YouTube can create a platform for stereotypes and magnify dangers for survivors.

The data show that YouTube is a powerful platform where viewers can derive therapy and inclusivity. The discussion in the focus groups flagged how the comments section on LNN has created networked publics that freely share experiences, although their identities are public. Survivors seek information, healing, therapy, belonging, and more from these channels and their hosts. One informant considered watching videos containing worse accounts than their own therapeutic, but this finding challenges PACFA's (n.d) definition of therapy as a professional intervention by trained personnel to assist with healing.

Findings also reveal that channels focussed on GBV, such as Usikimye Kenya, do not have a strong presence on YouTube as they should, yet informants thought that such interventions can do well on the YouTube platform. As described by media ecology theory, forms of media and communication channels influence the way people perceive reality and interact with their surroundings, so it is this study's position that not-for-profit organisations like Usikimye Kenya can be supported to consistently produce professional programmes on YouTube for survivors' benefit.

Another key finding was that survivors consume non-GBV videos as distractions from trauma, and that this strategy has worked. This raises questions about the role of social media in creating programmes on gender, therapy, and social inclusion. The more deliberate the media is about filling YouTube with relevant GBV content, the less unintentional perpetuation of unrealistic, stereotypical, and marginalising perceptions there will be. Indeed, another concern raised by participants was that most survivors are not aware of online support systems. Nevertheless, many survivors of GBV have found out that YouTube channels provide a safe space while recovering, where they can voice their opinions as well as challenge undeserving opinions. This finding supports the conclusions of Shishko (2022) that victims reclaim their narrative and create a sense of community on YouTube; it is consistent with networked publics theory and its framework for the study of social media platforms as public spaces to share stories, raise awareness, mobilise support, and thereby challenge traditional power dynamics.

YouTube has great potential for advocacy and raising awareness (World Bank Report, 2019). YouTube channels can produce and distribute training programmes, workshops, and seminars on safety, policy, therapy, and social inclusivity. Yet some studies indicate that social media only amplifies the negative situation (Döring & Mohseni, 2020). The informants also raised concerns about YouTube's policies that allow harmful GBV content, echoing Capella-Castro's (2021) call to action to make these platforms more inclusive, therapeutic, and survivor-centred.

This chapter explored the lived experiences and subjective perceptions of YouTube viewers regarding GBV and how YouTube videos serve as sources of information and agents of therapy and social inclusion. The findings indicate that there are few YouTube channels dedicated to GBV-related issues globally, yet survivors experience comfort, peace, therapy, and a sense of belonging whenever they watch GBV-related shows on such YouTube channels as Usikimye Kenya, Tuko/Tuco-Kenya, and the Lynn Ngugi Network. YouTube also offers a platform for news, education, training, sharing experiences, raising awareness, providing support, and coping strategies. A YouTube channel viewer can spend time on the platform doing research, learning, engaging in critical thinking, meditating, and relaxing. While YouTube can help transform and empower survivors, some shows may act as triggers and there are videos likely to further harm survivors and their families. The study has also established the lack of adequate policies to protect GBV survivors on YouTube.

Social justice issues concerning gender on YouTube are real. The comments sections on GBV-related videos point towards social injustice against women in that commenters often blame victims for the violence. What is more, men who experience GBV face social exclusion mainly due to gendered social and cultural norms and are not represented on the YouTube channels with which the participants were familiar. The findings challenge definitions of therapy as a service that can only be provided by trained professionals because survivors do obtain many of the benefits of therapy from engaging with YouTube channels, their content, and their communities. Insisting that only medical practitioners offer therapy when the same can be offered on YouTube may work against social justice. There is a need for deliberate conversation about harnessing the power of YouTube, a privately owned and operated platform (by Alphabet) that generates revenue from advertising (Ceci, 2024) to tell GBV stories for the benefit of survivors rather than shareholders.

The study proposes that governments, civil society, the media, and other relevant bodies create YouTube channels that produce content to address GBV-related issues. For instance, the Ministry of Health in Kenya can create shows aimed at offering therapy from professional perspectives in addition to supporting shows like Usikimye Kenya and LNN that have shown promise. To further promote social justice, the study recommends the creation of a YouTube channel producing content that specifically addresses GBV issues that affect men. YouTube can also be petitioned to refocus its policy and better ensure the safety of GBV survivors. Although a few channels, like LNN and Tuko/Tuco-Kenya, deploy translation tools to reach larger and more diverse audiences, inclusive language should be a priority for YouTube channels on GBV. Finally, YouTube content developers (including journalists and other communicators) should receive training on sensitivity and social inclusivity to improve online reporting on GBV issues.

This study acknowledges its limitations: the sample was small, and some informants may have been reluctant to share deeper insights about their experiences. The interviews conducted reached saturation levels, however, and further studies into these issues are recommended. Quantitative anonymous surveys for comparative purposes, comparative studies between nations and societies, and a deeper content analysis of a single channel to explore the coverage of GBV are three potentially fruitful avenues to explore.